The emergence of an Indo-European horse culture

The domestication of the horse is inextricably linked to the migration of the Proto-Indo-European steppe herders and therefore plays a fundamental role in the cultures developed from them, such as those of the Celts, Greeks, Romans and Vikings

From the moment horses were ridden, a mutual relationship between humans and horses emerged. Horses gained a role in the mythology and pagan religions of the peoples of Europe. In this blog, we delve deeper into the formation of this unique bond and the emergence of an Indo-European horse culture.

Read more about horse worship here.

Exactly when the horse was domesticated remains a subject of scientific debate. In his book Horse, the Wheel, and Language, David W. Anthony suggests that archaeological and genetic studies point to a period around 4800 BC, well after the domestication of sheep and cattle. In Western Europe, wild horses were only sporadically consumed by Mesolithic hunter-gatherers, making up a maximum of 5% of their diet. However, in the steppes of Eastern Europe, horses played a much larger role, comprising up to 40% of the diet. These early interactions can be seen as the first steps towards domestication.

The ancestors of the Proto-Indo-Europeans discovered a unique characteristic of horses: their ability to find food in harsh winter conditions. Sheep and cattle, which had been kept by these peoples for over a thousand years, struggled to reach grass through deep snow because they used their snouts to push away the snow. Horses, on the other hand, use their hooves to push aside snow and ice, allowing them to survive even in severe winters. This made horses a valuable source of winter food.

Herders probably began keeping horses around 4800 BC, initially primarily for their meat. These herders applied techniques they already knew from herding cattle: by dominating the lead mare, the entire herd could be controlled. The growing significance of horses for the steppe peoples is also evident in their burial rituals. From around 4800 BC, horse skulls and bones were placed in graves alongside those of sheep and cattle.

The domestication of horses was facilitated by the natural behavior of mares. In the wild, mares accept the dominance of a stallion, and this behavior translated to humans within the herd. Stallions, on the other hand, were more difficult to handle due to their aggressive and territorial behavior. This is supported by genetic research: mitochondrial DNA (passed through the mother) shows that domesticated horses descend from a wide variety of mares. Research on the Y chromosome suggests that all modern horses may descend from a single stallion.

Initially, horses were mainly kept for their meat, but over time they developed into draft and riding animals. While oxen initially pulled carts, horses began to be ridden between 4000 and 3500 BC. This had a tremendous impact on the lifestyle of herders. A herder on foot could manage about 200 sheep with a good dog. A herder on horseback, on the other hand, could herd up to 500 sheep. The growth of herds required larger grazing areas, leading to border conflicts and tensions between tribes.

To win tribal wars, oath-bound alliances became increasingly important. This, in turn, emphasized the exchange of gifts and the organization of feasts to settle conflicts and strengthen bonds. As a result, the importance of prestige goods, such as jewelry, ornaments made from boar tusks, and items of copper and bronze, grew. According to David Anthony, this development reflects a broader societal change, visible in the increase of stone mace heads and jewelry made from boar and horse teeth and copper ornaments.

The area of Southeast Europe between 6000 and 3500 BC is also known as Old Europe. In this region, there were various cultures that shared many common traits, such as the shape of their houses and settlements, and the way they made pottery. They had large settlements where thousands of people could live and were likely among the first to use wheels. They could make pottery with very thin walls and for this, they had to be able to fire the clay at very high temperatures. Because they could stoke fires so hot, they were probably also the first to smelt metal. This was the beginning of the Copper Age, which is often seen as a period of the Neolithic.

Marija Gimbutas (1921-1994) became known for her speculative theories about Neolithic cultures, described in three influential books: The Goddesses and Gods of Old Europe (1974), The Language of the Goddess (1989), and The Civilization of the Goddess (1991). According to her, the society of Old Europe was peaceful and egalitarian, centered around a mother goddess. This society would be matristic, focused on harmony. The androcentric, warlike, Indo-European Kurgan culture from the Pontic-Caspian steppe is said to have violently displaced this system. 

Her ideas resonated in the 1960s due to the traumatic experiences of the world wars, communist ideals, and the rise of ecofeminism. Critics like Bernard Wailes praised her extensive knowledge but criticized her lack of critical methodology and her tendency to draw far-reaching conclusions without strong substantiation. David Anthony pointed out the lack of evidence for a matriarchal society before the Kurgan culture and emphasized the presence of hillforts and weapons in prehistoric Europe, suggesting a warlike nature.

Today, they are no longer widely accepted by current science, as there is too little evidence for them. For example, men were more often buried with rich grave goods than women. Moreover, the society of Old Europe was already in decline before the Indo-European migration, accompanied by internal violence.

The Varna culture in Bulgaria buried its dead in richer graves than those in the Near East, such as in Babylon. In 281 graves from this culture, 3000 gold objects were found, 2000 of which were in a cluster of just four graves. In total, 6 kg of gold was found in these graves. It was clear that they had aristocrats and that these emphasized their status. In Bulgaria and Romania, there existed thousands of settlements that were inhabited.

Hunter-gatherers, like nomadic peoples, may have had a certain appropriation of grazing land or hunting grounds. When other tribes made use of these, they posed a threat to food continuity. This would suggest that warfare occurred long before the first farmers, but there is no evidence of this yet. The American First Nations named their neighbors with remarkably many insults. They too had bitter conflicts with each other.

The rise of systematic warfare is associated with the sedentism that followed the development of agriculture. From Neolithic Europe, particularly in the Linear Pottery culture (LBK), numerous pieces of evidence of violence and conflict have been found, such as the massacres of Talheim (34 bodies) and Schletz (more than 1,000 bodies), both circa 5500 BC. At Talheim, it was discovered that men and children from a local group were killed, while women were captured. This may indicate robbery and the abduction of women during these conflicts. The role women played in conflicts does not seem to indicate a matriarchal society. Schletz showed that fortifications were built to protect settlements from aggressors, while victims there also showed signs of mass violence. In Schöneck-Kilianstädten, victims were deliberately mutilated.

In addition to conflicts over women, struggles over land, resources, and possibly revenge played a role. Bio-archaeological research indicates that more than 10% of early farmers in Northwestern Europe sustained injuries from weapons, highlighting the ubiquitous nature of violence. Although the existence of organized warfare is debated, these archaeological findings make it clear that violence and rivalry between groups were a significant part of Neolithic life.

Around 4200 BC, the climate changed. This had disastrous consequences for peoples who lived off agriculture. The Neolithic tell villages that had been inhabited for thousands of years disappeared. There are often traces of a violent end.

Due to climate change, Proto-Indo-European steppe herders moved towards Europe. Around 3500 BC, we see more and more traces of these nomadic herders in Eastern Europe. They differed greatly from the Neolithic farmers: they did not use Venus figurines and did not have an urbanized culture. 

Interestingly, the Cucuteni-Trypillia culture experienced a peak around this time. People in this culture built increasingly larger cities, and the area became more densely populated, possibly by refugees from the Kunda Culture. Finds from this time not only show the characteristic pottery but also steppe pottery and stone mace heads from the steppe.

 It is possible that Proto-Indo-European steppe herders lived in these cities at certain times of the year, for example, for trade events or as hired herders. Just across the border, on the steppes, the Cucuteni-Trypillia culture built the settlement Menoi. This was probably inhabited at certain times of the year. These changes indicate the development of relationships between Old Europe and the Proto-Indo-European steppe herders. 

According to Marija Gimbutas, the steppe peoples would have destroyed Old Europe as a violent 'horde,' but this theory is incorrect.

Between 3500 and 3000 BC, horseback warfare did not yet exist. The Proto-Indo-Europeans used long bows with stone arrowheads that were difficult to use from a horse. The concept of organized cavalry only emerged much later, around 1000 BC.

The Proto-Indo-European warrior culture revolved around individual achievements and heroic deeds. This is reflected in works such as the Rig Veda and the Greek Iliad. Large, organized armies like those of the Huns or Scythians did not yet exist; a different mindset is necessary for that. Tribes do not function as military units but as groups of individuals who wanted to prove themselves.

The Neolithic farmers, who were often in conflict with each other and suffered from famine, saw in the herders an opportunity for protection and stability. Through marriages with steppe herders, their DNA gradually became more Proto-Indo-European.

Genetic research shows that almost all contemporary Europeans carry Proto-Indo-European haplogroups R1a and R1b, originating from a small group of Proto-Indo-European men. However, the mitochondrial DNA, passed down through women, shows great diversity of Neolithic origin. This suggests that Proto-Indo-European men often married Neolithic women.

This led to the emergence of new cultures, such as the Corded Ware Culture and the Baden Culture. Neolithic influences remained visible in later Indo-European civilizations, such as the Greeks and Vikings, with elements like agricultural goddesses, the sun cross, the tree of life, and spiral motifs.

Horses significantly changed warfare. They enabled rapid raids, which increased the distance over which conflict could occur. Cattle raiding was an important objective of these expeditions. Thanks to their speed, warriors could be untraceable before the victims realized who had attacked them. The practice of cattle raiding can be linked to the phenomenon of the koryos: young men swore loyalty to each other and set out to raid and gain prestige.

These raids often lacked a genocidal character but focused on personal glory, a core value of Proto-Indo-European culture. Young men used their plunder to pay a bride price and begin adult life. This concept is reflected in the language, where terms for bride price are frequently found. 

Bridal abduction was also a practice, as seen in Old Irish and Vedic laws. Here, abducting a woman was seen as a form of marriage. In some cultures, such as among the Scythians, this ritual continued in a modified form.

The domestication of the horse indirectly led through these practices to the formation of new Proto-Indo-European population clusters further from the original homeland. 

The influence of the horse on the development of Proto-Indo-European cultures is clearly evident from the prominent role it plays in their mythology and religion.

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